Monday, May 13, 2013

LIBR280_12_Library Research Project



Library Research Project:
The San Francisco Public Library

Melissa Woods
San Jose State University
LIBR280_12
13 May 2013
Professor Beth Wrenn-Estes


The Meeting
Current Library Logo
            The Buildings – 1878-1906
            The Librarians – 1878-1906
            The Assistants – 1878 – 1906
            Employee Salaries
            The Buildings – 1907-1920
            The Librarians – 1907-1920
            The Assistants – 1907-1920
            Employee Salaries



            The San Francisco public library’s history is one of rocky beginnings.  Established in 1878, the library was born out an early literary culture, enormous wealth at a time when the free public library was increasingly popular.  What is interesting is how one can trace the history of the public library movement in America using the evolution of San Francisco’s own library system.  We can see how the public library got its start, but also how the movement evolved through the early twentieth century by analyzing the library’s establishment, its staff, and even the buildings that housed the collections.  We can see an evolution from the librarian as the custodian to the librarian as a community educator and advocate.  And we can also see how the library started as a tool for education and also a tool of suppression.  San Francisco’s library offers a slice of American history that shows what it took to begin the public library movement and what it takes to keep it moving.
The Free Public Library Movement
Salisbury, Connecticut
The first free public library was built in Salisbury, Connecticut in 1810, but it wasn’t until the Boston Public Library opened in 1854 that the idea of a tax-supported public library became an incredibly influential in the America (Wiley, 1996).  Two major players in the founding of the Boston Public Library wrote a report which would become, according to Wiley (1996), “the Magna Carta of the public library movement, setting the tone for American public libraries for the next half century or more.”  The report argued that while there were many private libraries at the time, those libraries were inaccessible to the masses and therefore did not serve the needs of the public (Wiley, 1996).  It also added that public libraries would be a supplement to public education systems that only taught up to a certain point and then offered no access to further education (Wiley, 1996).  And so, in areas where there were enough community resources, dense population, civic pride, and the desire to conserve the historical record, the idea of the free public library spread (Garrison, 1979).  While this is part of the story, it fails to recognize that there were other, less altruistic reasons that the public library became popular.  For instance, around the time that the public library movement idea was spreading, there was a period of labor unrest and mass discontent which put the ruling white, upper-class, male gentry on a shaky ground (Garrison, 1979).  The public library became a way to respond to the issue by equalizing education rights and reducing lower-class alienation (Garrison, 1979).  Furthermore, Garrison (1979) argues that the public library was also a way for the ruling body to practice social control as they were the governing body of library purchasing and sometimes censorship (Garrison, 1979).  So while the argument of the education of the masses was solid, it may have appealed to the ruling class for several reasons.  Regardless, the idea spread throughout the Americas and eventually found its way to the West.
California was swept up by the public library movement though the idea proved quite difficult to implement.  This was because the legislation needed to generate funds for the library was difficult to promote (Held, 1973).  As early as the 1850s, there was evidence that California cities supported the idea of legislation that would create a tax to fund a free public library.  But, it would not be until the 1870s that attempts at legislation would begin in earnest (Held, 1963).  Cities like Sacramento and San Jose made legislative attempts, but San Francisco and Los Angeles were the only two cities that were successful in creating legislation that would directly
CA Golf Rush Relief Map
result in the rise of a city library (Held, 1963).
            Nineteenth century San Francisco was a time of great change.  The city evolved from a sleepy town to a boom town, and eventually a major city, in almost the blink of an eye.  And the credit of this mass migration to the West is given to one thing; gold.  Though the San Francisco Bay had been explored as early as 1769, it wasn’t until 1835 that the town of Yerba Buena was born (“San Francisco,” n.d.).  That was when an English pioneer named Capitan William Andrew Richardson set up the first dwelling, a tent made from four planks of redwood and a ship sail (“San Francisco,” n.d.).  At the time that Richardson built his tent, the US did not yet own the area and wouldn’t for another eleven years (“San Francisco,” n.d.).  But after eleven years of fighting over the territory, the US Marines declared the area the property of the United States and named it San Francisco (“San Francisco,” n.d.).  The settlement was slow growing in its early years.  In fact, the permanent population did not exceed more than 50 people until 1844 (“San Francisco,” n.d.).  In 1848, just before the discovery of gold on the American River, the town had grown to about 200 homes which were inhabited by about 800 settlers (Bacon, 2002). 
When James Wilson Marshall discovered gold from the American River at the site of
Broadside from the Gold Rush
John Sutter’s sawmill an international frenzy was sparked and thousands flocked to the area in search of riches (“California,” n.d.).  By August of 1848, the population had grown to include 4,000 gold miners and by 1849 San Francisco boasted a population of 25,000.  (“California,” n.d.; Bacon, 2002).  At the time, San Francisco’s culture was one of diversity with elements of both opulence and seedy behavior.  Miners and sailors would spend their time in gambling dens or brothels and in some cases would pay top dollar just to have a woman at his side (Bacon, 2002).  But those that truly struck it rich, often by establishing businesses related to mining, were becoming civic leaders and building opulent mansions along the city’s hills (Bacon, 2002).  San Francisco was also extremely literary for the time.  By the middle of the 1850s, the city had a well-developed book trade and more newspapers, in more languages, than major metropolitan cities such as London (Wiley, 1996).  And, according to Wiley (1996), “there were more college graduates in early San Francisco, some said, than in any other American city.”
Military Ball in S.F. - 1863
In the 1860s there was a second wave of immigration into San Francisco which brought both sophistication and racial tension (Wiley, 1996).  Called the ‘Queen of the Pacific,’ by the end of the 19th century, there were palatial mansions, the largest luxury hotel in America at the time, the Palace Hotel on Market Street, and a very opulent city hall (Wiley, 1996).  But with the end of the Civil War, the city was going through an economic downturn (“California,” n.d.).  This spurred labor unrest and a general distrust in Chinese laborers leading to the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 which barred Chinese immigration until 1902 (“California,” n.d.).  It was amidst this tumultuous time that the city decided it was time for a free public library.
Chinese Miners

            The origins of the San Francisco Public Library can be traced to a meeting that was held by concerned citizens of the city in the summer of 1877 (San Francisco Public Library, 2013).  California’s senator, Senator Rogers, became the chief spokesman for those that were behind the library campaign and he has been credited with personally collecting data about libraries in the US and overseas and he circulated that data around San Francisco in an effort to drum up support for the campaign (Held, 1973).  The meeting was held at Dashaway Hall on Post Street in San Francisco and with the hopes of sharing the data that had been collected and establishing a need for a public library (Wiley, 1996).  Rogers placed Judge E. D. Sawyer in charge of the meeting and it was well attended (Wiley, 1996).  Among those present, two of the more prominent figures in the history of the library was Andrew S. Hallidie and Henry George (Held, 1973).  Hallidie, who is better known as the inventor of the cable car, was the head librarian of the Mechanics’ Institute Library in the city and he continued to be an advocate for the free public library throughout his life (Wiley, 1996).  Mr. George, another staunch advocate of the free library movement gave a report of information about libraries in the US and Europe at the meeting (Held, 1973).  The report
Dashaway Hall
stated that: “(1) People were willing to support public libraries with taxes. (2) A public library was not able to exist on subscriptions and donations. (3) A public library led to an increase in reading on the part of the public. (4) The average cost per volume of a good library was $1.25. (5) Libraries were often augmented by donations of private collections” (Held, 1973).  The culmination of the meeting was a resolution and proposed legislature (called the Rogers Act) that would later be passed and signed by Senator Rogers on March 18, 1878.  The legislature authorized “any incorporated city or town to levy a tax not exceeding one mill (one-tenth of one cent) on the dollar of assessed property” (Held, 1973).  The fact that the legislature included all of California was extremely significant as it solved the issue that several cities had of being unable to pass their own legislature (Held, 1973).  The other interesting fact about the legislature was that it called for the San Francisco Library to be governed  by a self-perpetuating board of trustees that would supposedly keep the library from “the general corruption of city politics” (Wiley, 1996).
Political Cartoon (Kearney not pictured) 
            By analyzing the meeting, we can begin to understand the nuances of the free public library that Garrison suggested.  The call for a public library came at an extremely tumultuous time in San Francisco’s history.  The completion of the transcontinental railroad in 1869 coupled with a depression that struck Eastern States in 1873 created a large influx of population of unemployed men and women in the West (Wiley, 1996).  Even worse, between the years of 1870-1875, an estimated 80,000 Chinese immigrants arrived in the area (Wiley, 1996).  Needless to say, there was a large amount of men and women who competing for work which brought about the ‘terrible seventies’ in San Francisco (Wiley, 1996).  Labor unrest was triggered by people who were resentful of the economic overlords and disappointed by crushed dreams of easy riches (Wiley, 1996).  And much of this unrest, unfortunately, was targeted toward Chinese immigrants.  In fact, the same year that San Franciscans voted to establish the San Francisco Public Library, there was a major riot in the city where a group of protesters broke off and ran towards the docks attacking Chinese people and Chinese-owned shops along the way (Wiley, 1996).  At the meeting, there were arguments made suggesting that the library would be about educating the masses while also controlling some of the labor unrest.  Dr. George Hewston suggested that a public library would “be open to all classes, but principally frequented by the poor; that the man in corduroy is treated with the same courtesy as the rich man in broadcloth…and that charm of the place is its perfect freedom” (Wiley, 1996).  But in the same speech, he remarked that the library would “do more to overcome hoodlumism than the extremest rigors of the law” suggesting that, yes, the library would be good for the masses, but at the same time, it will also help reduce some of the labor unrest.  Another attendee, Denis Kearney, a rioter who was the head of the President Workingmen’s Party, remarked that “one educated man is worth a whole Committee of Safety and not nearly as liable to shoot his neighbor” (Wiley, 1996).  So while it is not said outright, we can see that many were in agreement that a great way to solve the labor unrest and possibly turn the population’s anger away from the ruling party would be to construct a public library.  This is further evidenced by the fact that the founders were all part of the white, upper-class, male gentry of the city.
            The board of trustees that was established to run the San Francisco Public Library was made up of eleven men.  They were George H. Rogers, John S. Hager, Irving M. Scott, Robert J. Tobin, E.D. Sawyer, John H. Wise, Andrew J. Moulder, Louis Sloss, A.S. Hallidie, C.C. Terrill, and Henry George (Held, 1973).  The board had many things in common.  Firstly, they were all white, highly educated male members of San Francisco.  Many of them were lawyers, judges, and State Senators or even all three, like E. D. Sawyer.  A transplant from New Orleans,
E.D. Sawyer
Sawyer started his career as a lawyer who dealt mainly in mining disputes (Shuck, 1901).  In 1853, at the Whig convention, he was nominated and elected as a democratic State Senator (Shuck, 1901).  After his retirement from politics, Sawyer moved back to San Francisco and became a judge, served as an educational director, and became a prominent member of society (Shuck, 1901).  The trustees were civic minded and were often involved in California politics like John S. Hager.  Hager, originally from New Jersey, was a delegate at the first and second California Constitutional Conventions, though he was not officially listed in the first (Vasar & Meyers, 2013).  As one can see, many of the trustees were not originally from San Francisco.  Like the
John Hager
majority of the city, they moved after news of the Gold Rush and they profited from mining or from working with miners.  Take Irving M. Scott.  He was an engineer and draughtsman who worked for the Union Iron Works creating machinery that would make mining more efficient (New York Public Library, 2013).  While this was his main career, he is best known as the head of the project which built the battleship Oregon, the first battleship ever built on the Pacific Coast (New York Public Library, 2013).  Some members, like
Irving M. Scott
Robert J. Tobin were involved in several social and civic organizations.  According to his obituary written in the San Francisco Call (1906), Tobin was a judge, a police commissioner, a charter member of the Society of Pioneers, and one of the Incorporators of the Hibernia Bank which started in 1859.  Lastly, the trustees were literary men.  Some, like A.S. Hallidie, were already working in libraries and at least one of the members, Henry George, was a newspaper man.  George moved from Pennsylvania with his family and got a job as a
Henry George
typesetter (Henry George Historical Society, 2009).  After the death of Abraham Lincoln, he wrote several editorials which got him noticed, and he eventually got a job at the Times (Henry George Historical Society, 2009).  Within a short period of time, George was the managing editor for the newspaper (Henry George Historical Society, 2009).  These men were extremely committed to a free public library but not every powerful member of San Francisco was like minded and as a result, the main library had very rocky beginnings.
            Despite the city’s enormous wealth, there was little support in San Francisco and in the US in general for government funding of public institutions.  “It was an era across the nation when private enterprise prevailed, and little attention beyond the funding of public schools was given to investment in public institutions” (Wiley, 1996).  This mentality created financial difficulties at the onset of creation of the library.  After the Rogers Act passed in 1878, the trustees requested that a tax by levied of 3/10 of a mill and an appropriation of $75,000 be given to the library to begin operations and to start the purchasing of the library’s collection (Held, 1973).  San Francisco city officials disagreed with the amount and the library was given an appropriation of $24,000 instead (Held, 1973).  The trustees deemed the sum inadequate but opened anyway, deciding to donate some of their own resources until the end of that fiscal year hoping that San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors would raise the appropriation after the library had already opened and shown it was successful (Held, 1973).
            Between the library’s opening in 1878 and 1906 the main branch moved locations three times.  This was a period that was marked by continued financial struggles and high staff turnover rates.  But the library was instantly successful with its users as we can see from the library’s records.  If we look at card membership statistics during this time, we see the library’s steady growth.  In 1890, there were 10,354 library card memberships active (San Francisco Board of Supervisors, 1895).  After a small downturn, membership grew steadily so that in 1895 membership had grown to 16,411 (San Francisco Board of Supervisors, 1895).
Library cards were issued for two year periods and, until 1901, only one book could be checkout out at a time (San Francisco Public Library, 1900).  After 1901, a time of great change in the library field, you could apply for a special card which would allow the holder to borrow more than one (San Francisco Public Library, 1900).  And in 1902, the library began stamping their books with the date they were due rather than the date that the book was checked-out (San Francisco Public Library, 1900).  
Pacific Hall
Public libraries in California were usually located in one of two places.  First, as the city government was considered a patron of the public library, often a space would be provided in the city hall (Held, 1973).  However, these free spaces were often inadequate for the needs of the library and they were often forced to use what little budget they had to rent a space large enough to accommodate their needs (Held, 1973).  San Francisco’s public library was no different.
In 1879, before the library had received any money from the state, a room was rented on the second floor of Pacific Hall on Bush and Dupont (later renamed Kearny) Streets (Wiley, 1996; San Francisco Public Library, 2013).  They removed a stage that was in the room, laid fresh oilcloth, touched up the fresco’s that were in the room, and constructed a small office in what would be the reading room (Wiley, 1996).  Shelving was built and 5,000 books, which were borrowed, donated, or bought on credit, were put on the shelves.  A newspaper reading area was added in the main gallery and lastly, a wire screen was installed in front of the bookshelves to assure only employees could have access to them (Wiley, 1996).  At the establishment of the library, there were so few books that the library did not grant borrowing privileges and would not for several years (Wiley, 1996). The library opened with a ceremony held on the evening of June 7, 1879 (Wiley, 1996).
Even though there were no borrowing privileges, the library was an instant success.  It was reported that in the twenty-one days after the formal opening, 18,000 people visited the library (G. Bosc, 1968).  Because of the library’s success, the budget was immediately doubled and they increased the volumes in the collection to 30,000 (G. Bosc, 1968).  Within ten years, the library had outgrown Pacific Hall and begun looking for a new, larger, space.  Joy Lichtenstein, a library employee since 1886 described the library the following way:
Pacific Hall
When I entered the employment of the library it was on Bush Street, on the north side above Kearny…The library was up one flight of stairs.  As you entered a long hall there was seated at the entrance an old man, in fact there were two of them – combined janitors and doorkeepers.  The one in attendance would hand you a brass tag, fairly large, which you carried in with you and which you absolutely had to deliver before you could leave.  The library itself was in back of a tall wire screen and there were no books which the public could touch except by making out applications.  The wooden bookstacks rose to the ceiling, and the boys scrambled around by means of sliding ladders which resembled those used in shoe stores.  The books had class and shelf numbers but the Decimal System was still far in the future.  The catalogs were printed and very much out of date.  The public secured books…with a pink or white oblong slip…there were handed through openings in the fenced off portion and three ladies were always in attendance.  They were ladies who had secured their positions by means of influence not political.  They were not bookish and of course the boys were not; so it was a sort of hit or miss proposition for a member of the public to procure a desired book - California Library Bulletin, June 1950 (Wiley, 1996).
In 1889, the library moved to the Larkin Street wing of City Hall though at the time there were already discussions underway to build a separate building for the main library (G. Bosc, 1968).  As these discussions took several decades, the library was strapped for space again and in 1894 it moved to the third floor of the McAllister Street wing of City Hall (G. Bosc, 1968).  It remained at this site until the earthquake and fire of 1906 (Wiley, 1996).  Interestingly, in 1903 the library was able to purchase land which was intended for a new main library (Wiley, 1996).  But the real estate would be disputed for many years, and the library would not move into a separate building until 1915 (Wiley, 1996).  Until then, the library was renting space to house its main collections.
Main Branch (top) and Branch (bottom)
Some interesting services that were started in the library between 1878 and 1906 were a periodical room started in January of 1895 and a Juvenile department which began in October of the same year (G. Bosc, 1968).  The Juvenile department replaced what was the ‘ladies reading room,’ in 1897, which moved from its original space on the second floor of the building, to the ground floor (Wiley, 1996).  The ladies reading room, according to the San Francisco Call, had tables where the women could sit and on the tables were travel books and other literature that would “take from them the desire for trashy literature” (Wiley, 1996). 

            The first librarian ever hired was Albert Hart (Wiley, 1996).  He was hired in 1879 with the understanding that he would not be paid until the library could secure funding (Wiley, 1996).  Opening a library without pay and without funding took a toll on Hart and within the first fiscal year he resigned (Wiley, 1996).  He was replaced by Charles Robinson who also resigned after seven months, claiming overwork (Wiley, 1996).  In 1880, with enough books to finally become a circulating library, the trustees hired Frederic Beecher Perkins (Wiley, 1996).  Perkins was a member of the Beecher family and he was cousin to the famous author Harriet Beecher Stowe who wrote Uncle Tom’s Cabin (Wiley, 1996).  He was known for his rigidity and was even quoted as saying “a library is not for a nursery; a lunch-room; a bed-room; a place for meeting a girl in a corner and talking to her; a conversation-room of any kind; a free dispensary of stationery, envelopes and letter-writing; a free range for loiterers; a campaigning field for mendicants, or for displaying advertisements; a haunt for loafers and criminals” (Wiley, 1996).  Though rigid, he was also inventive.  Perkins claimed at least two innovations for the public library while employed at the library.  First, he advocated painting the call numbers directly on books rather than using paper labels (Held, 1973).  He also developed a numbering system for patrons that involved a revolving rack for request cards presented at the desk (Held, 1973).  This allowed for a strict enforcement of the ‘first come first served’ principle (Held, 1973).  Unfortunately, Perkins’ rigidity got the better of him and he resigned after being fined for ‘manhandling’ an unruly child in 1887 (Wiley, 1996).  

John Vance Cheney, was hired after Perkins left (L. Bosc, 1968). Cheney, who was a poet, essayist, and librarian, was born and educated in New York (“Cheney, John Vance,” n.d.).  After moving to San Francisco, he was a postal clerk briefly before assuming the position at the library (“Cheney, John Vance,” n.d.).  While he was librarian, he oversaw the opening of the first two library branches and hosted an American Library Association Conference in 1891 (“Cheney, John Vance,” n.d.).  After Cheney resigned in 1894, George Thomas Clark and was hired (Wiley, 1996).  Clark and his assistant Joy Lichtenstein left the library shortly after the earthquake in 1906 (Wiley, 1996).  According to Lichtenstein, “Clark had been a difficult man, remote and taciturn – ‘not a man of very attractive personality’” (Wiley, 1996).  He was head of the library for twelve years and in that time the library grew to be the eighth largest library in the United States (Wiley, 1996).  Clark left in 1906 to become the head librarian of Stanford University (Wiley, 1996).

            Little is known about the assistants of the library from its beginning to the 1906 earthquake though there were some prominent library assistants working during this period.  For instance, Joy Lichtenstein, a rare San Francisco native, started working at the San Francisco Public library in 1886 (Cutter, 1904).  He was an author and also served as president of the California Library Association in 1904 (Cutter, 1904).
            There was also Alexander Rudolph who was a library assistant in the 1890s (Buckland, 2006).  He was the inventor of the Rupolph Continuous Index (G. Bosc, 1968).  This was an automatic cataloging machine that was designed to hold up to 12,000 catalog entry cards in an endless chain (Davis & Wiegand 1994).  The cards were held on pressboard sheets which would display 175 at a time and were rotated beneath a glass plate at the top of the machine when a user turned the handle (Davis & Wiegand 1994).  While used for catalogs in areas, such as Russia, until the 1930s, it was generally unsuccessful (G. Bosc, 1968).  This was due to the lack of capacity, flexibility, and limited access compared to the card catalog (Davis & Wiegand 1994).  While both of the above examples were male library assistants, many of the library assistants were women.  For instance, in the 1894-5 municipal report for San Francisco, all five of the library assistants were women (San Francisco Board of Supervisors, 1895).

As far as the salaries for the employees, it is difficult to tell from the municipal reports what the average salary of a librarian was in San Francisco between 1878 and 1906.  We can see that that the library did not focus most of its spending on its staff in the early years.  In fact, as stated earlier, the first librarian did not even get paid, initially.  In the second fiscal year that the library was open, 1879-80, only $7,841.70 of the $38,615.04 that was spent was allocated to staff salaries (San Francisco Board of Supervisors, 1879-80).  There was no indication of how the money was split amongst employees.  In the fiscal year of 1894-5, the total that was spent on salaries was $22,265.35 with roughly $1,500 being spent in the branches and the remainder at the main library (San Francisco Board of Supervisors, 1895).  At this time there were four branches and the main building, with a total of thirty-eight employees (G. Bosc, 1968). Though it is difficult to tell from the municipal reports, we do now that in 1894 the library’s employees were being paid $48.95/month less than the average city worker in San Francisco and they worked longer hours.

While discussions were underway to establish a separate main library, in 1901, the library was offered a Carnegie grant for library buildings which totaled $750,000 (G. Bosc, 1968).  The trustees secured a commitment to spend the money on a new main library as well as opening new branches.  But the proposal to accept the money did not go smoothly.  The San Francisco Labor Council quickly opposed accepting the Carnegie grant because the gift was considered a “presumptuous claim of a wealthy nonresident to dictate our municipal policy in the assumed name of philanthropy” (Wiley, 1996).  Additionally, the money was thought, by the Labor Council, to be acquired by questionable means through the sale of war goods to the United States at “extortionate rates” (Wiley, 1996).  A library constructed with Carnegie money, the Labor Council concluded, would ‘stand as a perpetual charge against the morals of the community’ (Wiley, 1996).  Despite the staunch objection by the Labor Council, San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors voted to accept the grant.  They also put a $1.647 million bond measure on the ballot in 1903 to match the Carnegie grant and to provide funds for the new main library (Wiley, 1996).  Though nothing would be settled until years later, it was in 1901 that the discussions for a new main library, and indeed a new Civic Center would begin in earnest (Wiley, 1996).
1893 Colombian Exhibition in Chicago
At the turn of the twentieth century, the City Beautiful movement was sweeping the nation.  The City Beautiful movement began with White City and architect Daniel Burnham at the 1893 World Colombian Exhibition in Chicago (Casey, 2012).  A response to failing urban life, the hope was that beautification of the city would improve social issues and inspire civic loyalty (Casey 2012).  San Francisco’s move to improve itself took the form of former Mayor and library advocate James Phelan.  He invited Burnham, the father of the City Beautiful movement, to San Francisco in 1904 and persuaded him to draw up new plans for the entire city (Casey, 2012).  Burnham complied.  Part of these plans included a new Civic Center that would be the center of the city and would include features such as an extension to Golden Gate
Park, called the panhandle (Wiley, 1996).  The plan included a new library, but the location was hotly contested.  Phelan wanted it to be across from the panhandle bounded by Fell, Franklin, Hayes, and Van Ness Streets, but the Board of Supervisors felt it should rest at the south side of City Hall (Wiley, 1996).  Phelan ultimately won his battle and the new site for the main library was approved in 1905 (Wiley, 1996).  The beautification of the city was never fully realized, however, due to the infamous 1906 earthquake.

Earthquake and Fire
Devastation of Earthquake with City Hall Background
At 5:13am the morning of April 18, 1906, a major earthquake raced in a southeasterly direction at 7,000 miles per hour down the San Andreas Fault, severely damaging San Francisco (Wiley, 1996).  The earthquake lasted about 1:30 minutes, but because much of the city was built on landfill and it was constructed poorly, many houses were destroyed (Wiley, 1996).  Immediately after, several fires sprang up and further decimated the city (Wiley, 1996).  Over 4½ square miles of the city was leveled, 250,000 lost their homes, and around 3,000 people died as a result of the earthquake and fires (Wiley, 1996).  The main library at City Hall lost 138,000 books and newspapers because of the Ham and Eggs Fire, so called because a woman, who was trying to cook her morning meal using a damaged chimney, started the fire (Wiley, 1996).  At the time the earthquake hit, there were 15,000 books on loan; only 1,500 were returned (the last one was returned in 1981).  And though the main library was destroyed, there were four branches remaining and around 25,000 books left undamaged (Wiley, 1996).

            Between the years of 1907 and 1920 the library grew immensely.  For instance, in 1906 there were a total of 25,000 volumes in the collection with 25,702 circulated items (G. Bosc, 1968).  There were four branches and 9,595 cardholders (G. Bosc, 1968).  But by 1917 the library had grown to 191,960 volumes with 1,183,754 circulated items (Bosc, G., 1968).  The library went from four to seven branches (there had been eight in 1906) and there were 57,966 volumes (G. Bosc, 1968).  It is clear that the library was immensely popular and important to San Francisco citizens, but it was during this time that the librarians and assistants were challenged with rebuilding the library from the ground up while still working long and low-paid hours.
            It was also a time when the public library had been evolving and growing in the number and type of services provided.  The evolution was mainly focused on promoting user services and we can see this evolution with the San Francisco library.  For instance, extended services like delivery services and deposit stations became a popular way to serve library patrons (Held, 1978).  In San Francisco, deposit stations were small collections that were borrowed from the main library and deposited in sparsely settled areas of the city, often in drugstores (Held, 1973).  The manager of the station would be paid around $15 per month to service it, and books could be requested of the main library via regular mail (Held, 1973). 
 
Wall of catalog cards installed when the library moved to its current space in 1996
          
Aside from extended services, and far more important to the history of the public library, was the liberalization of policies that was going on at the time.  There was a relaxation of rules which had hindered the use of the library (Held, 1973).  For instance, in some California libraries, borrowing was allowed for out-of-town students (Held, 1973).  Additionally, the closed shelves introduced by the Mercantile Library in the 1870s were falling out of fashion and reservation services were also becoming more common (Held, 1973).  There was also a greater emphasis on trained library professionals, improved collection cataloging and on services to specific community groups such as special collections and improved children’s services (Held, 1973).  Many of these same changes are evidenced in the San Francisco library.  For instance, Rudolph’s cataloging machine was dropped in favor of the card catalog system which was adopted by the library in 1917 (Minton, 1996).  While some innovations were already in place prior to the earthquake and fire, the period between 1907 and 1920 was one focused on making services better for San Francisco’s library user.
Temporary Main Library after Earthquake

            Compared to other city institutions, the library faired rather well after the earthquake when it came to rebuilding.  Firstly, they had a small insurance claim that they were able to call upon and secondly, the Library Fund still had $40,000 that they were able to use to rebuild (Wiley, 1996).  The main library was still considered to be a part of the city’s Civic Center but plans for the library and Civic Center were slow to develop.  The library actually had to fight to begin rebuilding because the Board of Supervisors wanted to use the same property for the new City Hall even though the library had owned it since 1903 (L. Bosc, 1968).  Fortunately for the library, the President of the trustees filed an injunction against the Department of Public Works which forced the Board of Supervisors into conceding and looking for a new spot for City Hall (L. Bosc, 1968).  In June of 1907, construction began on a temporary main library that would stand until the final plans for the city’s Civic Center was complete (Wiley, 1996)  The building was at the corner of Hayes and Franklin (Wiley, 1996).  The following fiscal year, the library received its first appropriation that was over the legal minimum and planning began on a bond measure that would help to fund the new main library (Wiley, 1996).
Michael D. Young
            There were efforts by Phelan to revive the original Civic Center plans drawn up by Burnham prior to the earthquake, but a new sentiment was growing in the city (Wiley, 1996).  Michael De Young, owner of the San Francisco Chronicle, is credited as the voice of the effort to rebuild San Francisco with business in mind; not beauty (Wiley, 1996).  But the plans for rebuilding the library, and the entire Civic Center were slow moving and full of back and forth arguments.  It wasn’t until the city was chosen as the site for the official Panama-Pacific International Exhibition in 1911, that there was a renewed sense of urgency in finishing the city’s Civic Center (Wiley, 1996).
            The exhibition and a new mayor, James Rolph Jr., ushered in an era of development which included the long awaited Civic Center (Wiley, 1996).  It was decided that the new Civic Center would be built on the site of the old one since the city still owned the property and after that decision was made, construction came quickly (Wiley, 1996).  That is until a protestor
Hall of Machinery - Panama Pacific Exhibition
brought up the Carnegie funds that were still on hold for the construction of a new main library (Wiley, 1996).  The plan was to use some of the grant to fund construction of the new main library and the remainder to build new branch libraries in the city (Wiley, 1996).  The issue was hotly contested and ended up on the November 1912 ballot (Wiley, 1996).  It passed and construction of the new Civic Center continued.  When it came time to draw up plans for the library, the decision was made to trade the property that the library owned for real estate that was closer and therefore better associated with the new Civic Center (Wiley, 1996).  The official site of the new main library was to be bounded by Larkin, McAllister, Hyde, and Fulton Streets (Wiley, 1996).  Now they just needed a plan for the building itself.
Preparing the ground for construction
In 1913, the library trustees arranged a competition to be judged by Phelan and two well known architects; Cass Gilbert and Paul Philippe Cret (Wiley, 1996).  Six local architects were chosen to enter, and in 1914 the trustees announced George Kelham as the winner (San Francisco Public Library, 2013).  Kelham was originally from Massachusetts and his first job was at an architectural firm in New York (Michelson, 2013).  The firm sent him to San Francisco to supervise the rebuilding of the Palace Hotel in 1906, and he remained once the project was complete (Michelson, 2013).  Aside from designing the main library, Kelham was also the principal architect for the Panama-Pacific International Exhibition and the principal architect for UC Berkeley and UCLA (Michelson, 2013).
Moving Books to the New Main Branch
            Kelham’s design was a steel-framed granite structure that was designed to hold 500,000 books and have the capacity to expand to one million should the need arise (Wiley, 1996).  The exterior features Roman arched windows set off by Ionic columns and though not part of the original plan, five statues by Leo Lentelli were later added in the alcoves between the columns (Wiley, 1996).  Patrons entered from Larkin Street using three large, brass-framed doors that led into a colonnaded vestibule (Wiley, 1996).  This led up to a broad staircase and the distribution room (Wiley, 1996).  The vestibule, stairway, and delivery room were all finished in travertine marble (Wiley, 1996).  The delivery room, reference room, and the main reading room all had painted beam ceilings and the doorways, bookcases, and wooded fixtures were covered with an antique oak finish (Wiley, 1996).  As one can see from the description, the interior was designed to evoke an Italian Renaissance palazzo (Wiley, 1996). 
Front Doors of New Main Branch
            The library finally sold enough bonds to begin construction and on April 15, 1915 ground was broken (Wiley, 1996).  Almost immediately, lack of funds halted construction and it was not until they borrowed the excess funds from the San Francisco Municipal Railroad that they were able to resume construction (Wiley, 1996).  On April 16, 1916, a cornerstone laying ceremony took place and on February 15, 1917 the library was finally completed and dedicated (Wiley, 1996).  The main library would remain here until 1996 when they moved, for a final time, into a larger building next door (Wiley, 1996).  The building Kelham designed now houses
Cornerstone Laying Ceremony 1916
the Asian Art Museum though you can still see evidence of the library in the museum such as the quote above the staircase which reads “Books bear the messages of the wisest of mankind to all the generations of men” (Wiley, 1996). 
The more interesting developments in the library’s collection between 1906 and 1920, was the 10,000 item music library that was purchased in 1911 from the Boston Music Company and the rare books collection (Wiley, 1996).  Both show a commitment to community groups, a mentality that developed at the turn of the twentieth century in the library
Reading Room in the New Main
field (Held, 1973).  The music collection purchase was arranged by Julius Rehn Weber who was a pianist and music teacher in San Francisco (Wiley, 1996).  In 1920, at the instigation of a library trustee named William Young, the library began to systematically collect rare books and works of San Francisco’s fine printers (Wiley, 1996).

Librarian Robert Rea
William R. Watson was hired as the city librarian after Clark and his assistant Lichtenstein retired in 1906 (L. Bosc, 1968).  He was the first trained professional librarian to head the library (San Francisco Public Library, 2013).  He was trained by Melvil Dewey (L. Bosc, 1968).  He was also the head librarian during a major milestone in library history.  During Watson’s service, the North Beach branch bought a collection of Italian language books and secured a spot as the first ever library to cater to the needs of a minority group (Marco, 2012).  Unfortunately, Watson was forced to retire in 1912 due to health reasons (Wiley, 1996).  He was succeeded by Robert Rea in 1913 (L. Bosc, 1968).  Rea was a political appointee with no library science training though he had worked at the library since the age of thirteen (Wiley, 1996).  He worked at the library until 1945 and was a somewhat controversial because his career did not move with the changing times.  Rea grew up in the library and it was the only job he ever had (Wiley, 1996).  He presided over the construction of seventeen new branches and, possibly his crowning career achievement, focused and expanded the library’s collection (Wiley, 1996).

            Unfortunately, little has been said about the library assistants working during this era in the library’s history.  Library assistants were no longer listed in municipal records or book bulletins and it seems as though there is a lack of knowledge about the group in general.  In the 1920s we get a better idea of the staff culture though, unfortunately, it is not a positive one.  For instance, in a letter to the Examiner written in 1920, a student writes “It is about time the librarians…curb the chatter and patter of lovenmeshed swains in their teens who come to use these places” (Wiley, 1996).  Later in the 20s we learn that the staff was mostly women and if a 1928 survey gives any clues, it would be safe to assume the staff was not exemplary.  The board of trustees had requested an independent survey of the library the resulting report was scathing, calling head librarian Robert Rea “temperamentally unfitted for administrative
Staff working at the Main Library 1930s
leadership” (Wiley, 1996).  The remaining library staff faired no better.  The report found that the staff was “almost entirely made up of women and that suffered from intellectual inbreeding and lack of initiative because of the absence of encouragement for the head librarian.  There were also serious shortcomings caused by the librarians’ lack of training, particularly for librarians working with children” (Wiley, 1996).  This shows that under Rea’s leadership, though the library had substantially improved its collections, the focus on training and professional leadership that the rest of the public library system had promoted fell on deaf ears in San Francisco.

After the earthquake, the library grew.  But the library was spending less than any other library in the western region and had one-third the staff to boot (Wiley, 1996).  During this time, civic improvement clubs continually petitioned for new branches and eventually voted to increase the library’s budget so that they could meet their user’s demands (Wiley, 1996).  In the fiscal year of 1907-08 the library’s appropriation was $64,445 but by 1921-22 the amount had grown to $185,282 (Wiley, 1996).  Even still, the librarians who worked in San Francisco worked 42 hour weeks and were paid between $85-95 a month, the lowest wage of any other city employee (Wiley, 1996).

The history of the San Francisco Public library shows a great example of the birth and growth of the public library movement as well as the trials and tribulations that so many had to go through to keep the library going.  While on the one hand, the public library movement was popular in a city of highly educated, civic minded individuals, the library also started at a time when labor unrest was at its highest suggesting that the ruling elite was looking for a way to quell the unrest.  The library buildings also suggest that there was a level of distrust of those
Staircase in Main Library
corduroy wearing poor men as it was designed, like many other libraries, to reduce access to the collection.  Despite its instant popularity, the library continually had issues (as so many do even today) finding the funding to support its users and its staff.  Throughout the library’s history, it was the lowest paying city job with the longest hours.  But the librarians and staff remained dedicated and the library thrived.  In the rebuilding of the library after the 1906 earthquake, we see evidence of the library field’s move to user access and community commitment that continues today.  Unfortunately, the library’s history is also one that is lacking in a minority presence.  In examining the history of the San Francisco Public library, one is reminded of the trails that public libraries are facing today.  Despite beginning the library without a penny and with few worthwhile books in its collection, San Francisco still managed to pull off a widely successful and sustaining public library.  Throughout the library’s history, there was constant ebb and flow of funding, properly trained staff, and public interest.  But despite these trials, the library still continues to be an important civic
Current Main Library Building since 1996
institution with 28 branches and a 6-floor main library which is valued highly among its users.  Over the last decade or so, libraries have faced difficult decisions with changing technologies and the economic downturn in the United States.  But if the public library movement and the San Francisco Public library can teach current librarians anything, it is that perseverance is the key.  The library is about education of the masses (altruistic or not) and it seems that patience and persistence will lead to the continuation of the library in some fashion as it has for over 125 years in San Francisco.

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Image of Catalog Cards courtesy of nkuebrich via Flikr
 
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